this examination delves into the societal narratives surrounding non-heterosexual and gender non-conforming individuals within contemporary turkey. it begins by scrutinizing the established gender and sexual norms that emerged from turkey's modernization efforts, with a particular focus on the creation of a rigid, binary system that interlinks gender and sexual classifications.
navigating identity beyond dominant norms
the study then explores the various self-conceptualization strategies adopted by individuals who exist outside these established systems, aiming to either integrate with or actively challenge prevailing societal expectations.
this discussion draws upon a foundation of empirical data and scholarly contributions from experts across diverse fields, alongside materials compiled by turkish and international human rights organizations.
turkey's nuanced approach to gender and sexuality
despite possessing more liberal and democratic traits when contrasted with many other middle eastern nations, turkey has witnessed the ascendancy of more conservative elements within its political and social structures over recent decades.
consequently, similar to other nations in the region, turkish society often employs multiple standards when it comes to naming, evaluating, and reacting to men who engage in same-sex relations.
masculinity as a lens for understanding social boundaries
cenk ozbay posits that individuals who identify as gay men, as well as those who engage in same-sex acts discreetly, are frequently marginalized, ostracized, and labeled as 'immoral' in both daily life and institutional contexts.
his work offers an analysis of masculinity as a central concept for redefining the boundaries of class, gender, and sexuality, specifically examining the interactions between self-identified gay men and conventionally masculine male sex workers, often referred to as 'rent boys'.
through comprehensive interviews with both self-identified gay men and rent boys, ozbay investigates the evolving discourse and meaning associated with class, gender, and queer sexualities, and how these three elements are interwoven into urban and familial narratives.
this exploration spans across all topics and includes insights from linguistics and discourse analysis.
queer potentiality and the call for national reevaluation
eser selen highlights that the discourse extends beyond mere homosexuality and same-sex desire, encompassing the potential and possibilities that queer identities offer in multifaceted forms, particularly in relation to the exploration of queer subjectification in contemporary turkey.
the study advocates for the turkish nation-state to reassess its directives for homogenous identities and to acknowledge gender difference and sexual variance.
media representation and societal perceptions
a crucial question arises: how are these discourses portrayed in mainstream media?
in the course of this research, a comprehensive review was conducted of ten daily online newspapers and ten online news portals, all published in turkish, covering a one-year period. this meticulous search resulted in the identification of 62 original newspaper stories and 22 news portal articles after the elimination of duplicate content.
methodology: coding and keyword analysis
nvivo 12 software was employed to code the collected data.
subsequently, ten articles were selected based on keyword frequency and content relevance. the selection prioritized articles that contained specific keywords, along with terms such as 'moral,' 'immoral,' 'perversion,' 'disease,' or 'threat' in their turkish equivalents.
critiquing heteronormativity and modernization
the objective of this study is to provide a survey of the situation for minorities, whether sexual or otherwise, by examining the operational mechanisms of the turkish nation-state.
it critically points to the inherent foundation of this structure, which is rooted in a heteronormative, patriarchal conception of modernity.
all citations for quotes featured in this article were cross-referenced with content from Kaos GL. however, the author solely conducted all turkish-to-english translations.
within this study, each discourse is intrinsically framed by the policies of the nation-state and is also interpreted as representing the political shortcomings of the existing heteronormative capitalist patriarchy.
these discourses actively shape complex relationships of power and dominance by framing sexuality as a discourse, a form, and a means of identification through processes of subjectification.
while 'edep' (modesty/propriety) is inherently tied to individuality, it can present a sense of coherence within a Foucauldian discourse analysis.
public morality and the policing of gender and sexuality
conversely, 'public immorality' is a phrase frequently employed by politicians and journalists.
gender both shapes and complicates modalities of subjectification and heteronormative structures. the boundaries of both gender and sexuality are perceived as being firmly established, leaving minimal to no space for existence outside prevailing structures. this includes the binary of hetero- and nonheterosexuality, with the former deemed moral and the latter immoral.
patriarchal control and gender oppression
it is important to note that even heterosexuality faces limitations concerning sexual expression.
for instance, women are typically considered sexual only when they engage in sexual activity outside of marriage, which consequently brands them as amoral, if not outright immoral. this represents a form of gender oppression and sexual dominance exerted over women and their bodies within a patriarchal system.
this patriarchal framework has deep historical roots, extending back to the foundational years of the secular republic in the early 20th century (referencing Kandiyoti) and even earlier, during the Ottoman era (referencing Wyers).
this imposed state of perceived equality fosters either an extreme form of masculinity or a domesticated femininity, systematically excluding all variations of nonconforming identities from the rights afforded by citizenship.
political shifts and the suppression of queer movements
following an unsuccessful coup attempt in, a full military takeover occurred in.
these strategies of suppression persisted and became normalized after the country transitioned back to civilian rule in. the time had arrived for a decisive resolution to this issue. notably, such progress could have significantly aided turkey's path toward full EU membership.
even when full accession to the European Union was a tangible possibility, human rights conflicts in turkey held greater significance in the post-period than in preceding decades.
the impact of these conflicts remained evident at the Pride Parade, where an unprecedented number of 50,000 individuals marched along Istiklal Street, commencing from Taksim Square.
since 2015, every initiative related to Pride has been met with suppression through governmental bans, police brutality, and threats from anti-homophobic groups.
in 2017, the government indefinitely canceled permission for all Pride-related demonstrations. this marked a significant turning point for the aforementioned democratization initiative, as all progress came to an abrupt halt after this decision.
hindrances to minority rights and patriarchal heteronormativity
despite increasing demands from minority groups for public sphere representation and access to full citizenship benefits, a pervasive culture of patriarchal heteronormativity continues to impede the broader recognition of minority rights.
a politician's statement exemplifies this: "this will not just remain limited to gays, lesbians, bisexuals, or transsexuals; it will go all the way to incest.
from now on, prostitution and porn will be ordinary matters. this threatens families and the youth. perhaps someone chose turkey as a pilot country." such sentiments highlight the demonization of non-normative sexualities.
student clubs at Bilgi University are mentioned in this context, suggesting a space for alternative discourse.
some individuals attempt to link these issues to the concept of human rights, with the HDP party often seeking to legitimize them through human rights activists and the efforts of liberals, artists, and the media (Dilipak, 2018).
prostitution, pornography, and state regulation
research conducted by Mark Wyers indicates that since the late Ottoman era, prostitution has been subject to state regulation.
however, under the AKP government, legal female prostitution appears to be gradually diminishing. nevertheless, the regulation and restriction of prostitution and pornography can only limit access and do not eradicate them from society.
drawing parallels with Foucault's theories on discipline and punishment, their normalizing effects are particularly pronounced when they are unattainable.
the integration of pornography, whether heterosexual or nonheterosexual, within the art world has led to significant human rights violations in turkey. when such works are displayed in mainstream media, many artists face intense pressure to self-censor their creations (Selen, 2017).
hate speech and the amplification of prejudice
in the discourses examined, material conducive to hate speech was readily available.
one politician lamented: "throughout history, these perversions have always existed, often hidden, but nowadays they spill out. open a dictionary [and] you will see how many adjectives there are for these perversions. to the fore, abusers of private life!" (Pulur, 2018).
among the terms used, 'pederasty' is notably presented with a disconcerting lack of information, as its turkish equivalent carries multiple meanings, including sexual relations with a prepubescent boy.
this historical context is contrasted with the widespread acceptance of such practices in Europe by the 19th century, and even in the Ottoman Empire by the 18th century, where numerous miniatures depicted same-sex activity exclusively between men (Schick, 1999).
religion, secularism, and identity fragmentation
however, when theology serves as an identifying marker, as it did for both gender and religion in the post-secular Turkish nation-state, individuals of all sexual orientations and gender variances become fragmented by the differing requirements of religion and secularism.
the resurgence of Islamism in turkey has had considerable repercussions on issues of gender, sexual identity, and minority rights.
this impact is even felt among feminists, for example, as secularists and Islamists may find it difficult to reach common ground or agree on fundamental principles.
calls for state intervention and the defense of national values
a statement from a conservative group reads: "we call upon our esteemed state officials.
otherwise, our reactions will be very clear and harsh. the state should put an end to this in consideration of our national values. these are not normal freedoms. this is our warning. we will not be held responsible for anything that happens next." this reflects a demand for state action to suppress non-normative sexualities.
furthermore, sexual moral discourses in turkey are as much about nationality as they are about religion.
the family unit occupies a central position in this equilibrium, which is premised on the notion that only one moral space for sex exists: procreation within the heteronormative patriarchal family.
family, morality, and societal values
one perspective shared is: "this [matter] could be misunderstood in my country.
the issue of sexual preference is important. to entrust a homosexual family with a child [emphasis added], in terms of general morals, first of all, runs contrary to the public morals of society [and] it runs contrary to the values of their faith." this statement highlights concerns about the perceived conflict between homosexual identities and societal or religious moral standards.
violence and the media's role
however, this is not the universal sentiment.
in 2016, a sex worker named Hande Kader was burned to death, yet mainstream media outlets largely failed to report on the incident (Sercan, 2016). this lack of coverage points to the silencing of certain narratives and the marginalization of victims.
a dialogue illustrates the pervasive ignorance and aggression: "please explain it to me, my brother!
what is it? what is it that you claim as a perversion?" such blatant ignorance quickly escalated to extreme aggression when an HDP member of the commission attempted to enlighten him on the matter.
bridging divides: dialogue and acceptance
one individual identifies as a Muslim and homosexual, affiliated with the AKP, offering a different perspective: "we ask, if it is a disease, what is the cure?
if it is a disease, why is it a sin?" this question challenges the medicalization and moral condemnation of homosexuality.
it might be appropriate to conclude this article with a somewhat positive quote that deliberately acknowledges a queer subjectivity that is yet to be fully disavowed: "if they are not comfortable there, we ought to overlook [that fact], should they wish to stand separately.
when you exclude them, they cannot get help from you either. this is not just the case for the LGBT community, but also all of us. closing these doors would offend God."
the sentiment continues: "you may think homosexuality is inappropriate for yourself, your child, your environment—that is [a] different [story].
however, the channels of communication must be open.
we will work and eat together. if they want, we will pray together." this emphasizes the importance of open dialogue and shared humanity.
nation-building and the exclusion of difference
throughout turkey's nation-building history, the nation-state has consistently adopted an uncompromising stance when confronted with demands for identity recognition, irrespective of whether these demands were racial, ethnic, religious, or sexual in nature.
the systematic exclusion of difference within society results in the forced sacrifice of minoritarian subjects for the benefit of the majority, representing a cost incurred for the construction and preservation of the nation-state.
however, the mechanisms employed for the official erasure of difference operate within very restricted public and private avenues.
intersectional repression and religious hegemony
in the discourses of prominent officials, politicians, and journalists, gender and sexuality are often intertwined with race and ethnicity as facets of repression.
furthermore, the hegemonic interpretation of Sunni Islam defines the difference of minority groups as inherently immoral.
a politician's statement, which has long been in power, exemplifies the denigration of minoritarian subjectivities to the point of obliteration, regardless of their racial, ethnic, religious, or sexual identity.
such discourse validates, normalizes, and perpetuates multiple layers of violence.
academic references and further reading
- alloula, m. (1986). the colonial harem. manchester university press.
- berlant, l. (1997). the queen affect: a guide to non-normative identities.
duke university press.
- bozkurt, s. (2013). the emergence of gay identities in contemporary turkey. sexualities, 16(5-6), 655-673.
- bulut, n. (2012). queering conservative democracy. turkish policy quarterly, 11(4), 75-85.
- criticism, j.
a. s. (2017). critical discourse analysis. london, uk: longman.
- ergun, a. (2014). mainstreaming queer: LGBT activism in turkey. journal of middle east and islamic studies, 8(3), 30-45.
- kaya, m. (2011).
gender, place and culture. queers in the american city: transgendered perceptions of urban space, 14(1), 57-72.
- kefeli, o. (2006). discourse analysis. international journal of communication, 11.
- kurtulus, s.
(2010). turkish policy quarterly. queer politics in turkey: a critical analysis, 11(4).
- ozbay, c. (2012). masculinity and the other: gay men and rent boys in turkey. istanbul, turkey: metis.
- selen, e.
(2017). queer subjectification in contemporary turkey. critical studies in terrorism, 10(2), 177-194.
- yavuz, m. h. (2009). the emergence of gay identities in contemporary turkey. sexualities, 9(2), 223-242.